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Institute
- Lehrstuhl für Öffentliches Recht, Staatslehre und Rechtsvergleichung (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Karl-Peter Sommermann) (75)
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- Seniorprofessur für Verwaltungswissenschaft, Politik und Recht im Bereich von Umwelt und Energie (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Eberhard Bohne) (25)
- Lehrstuhl für Sozialrecht und Verwaltungswissenschaft (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Constanze Janda) (24)
The purpose of this chapter is to delineate and analyse current adjustments of Public Private Partnerships (PPP) in Germany in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on current data and official material, road infrastructure PPP was analysed, as demand for transporta-tion services is highly sensitive to fluctuations of overall economic activity. Accordingly, they do not only offer a good illustration of the challenges encountered by PPP operators in gene-ral but also – as road infrastructure PPP in Germany exist in different designs – important lessons may be learned with respect to their respective resilience in extraordinarily adverse economic conditions. One finding from the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany is that the case for public–private partnerships (PPP) become more compelling, also as an integral element of a large-scale reform package to massively improve the resilience of public service delivery to citizens and companies alike. Another important insight from the pandemic and the politico-administrative countermeasures is that massive pressure – both financial and in terms of the workload on the human resources employed – has been placed upon existing PPP, especially in critical infrastructures. The principal reasons are unforeseen or unexpected changes in user behaviour, affecting demand, and more difficult access to funding. These new insights demonstrate the relevance of anticipation of such events in the PPP contract, and the role of preparation for practitioners on both the private as well as the public side. Moreover, the findings provide leeway for further research on how the public administration, in particular in a federal multilevel system, can strengthen knowledge management and information exchange between single entities and stakeholders, and the role of PPP units as potential gatekeeper within this system.
This chapter focuses on the German reaction to the Covid-19 pandemic, in relation to the employment of both the funds from the NGEU and the internal funds. The Deutscher Auf-bau- und Resilienzplan (DARP) is a national recovery and resilience plan that is undoubtedly small, as it uses few resources when compared to the rest of Europe. Nevertheless, Germany has undergone a Copernican revolution both in its domestic economic policies, in which an investment package has been approved that violates the balanced budget, and in its relation-ship with European policies, which have seen resources injected to achieve ambitious reform goals.
Deutschland befindet sich bereits seit mehr als zwei Jahrzehnten auf dem Weg, ein digitaler Staat zu werden. Als E-Government-Vorreiter gilt die Bundesrepublik bis heute gleichwohl nicht. Spätestens die globale COVID-19-Pandemie hat den politischen Verantwortungsträgern jedoch nachdrücklich vor Augen geführt, dass eine digitale Verwaltung entscheidend dafür ist, die Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts bewältigen zu können. Folgerichtig ent-schied sich die schwarz-rote Bundesregierung 2020 dafür, als „Digitalisierungsbooster“ zu-sätzliche drei Milliarden Euro für die Umsetzung des Onlinezugangsgesetzes (OZG) in ihrem Corona-Konjunkturpaket vorzusehen.
At the beginning of 2022, a tax law reform, the so-called Polish Deal, was implemented, significantly changing the regulations of personal income taxation. However, the process surrounding the implementation of the reform causes considerable constitutional concerns. This article argues that the new law was not adequately prepared and came into force in breach of the constitutional tax law-making standards.
E-Government
(2023)
Democratization of good global governance: The EU's role in the Parliamentarization of trade policy
(2022)
The quest for good governance in trade relations occurs against the backdrop of an increa-sing politicization of trade policy. In the new reality of global value chains and servitisation, regulating trade goes far beyond technical issues of reducing entrance barriers, border measures and tariffs, but becomes a comprehensive endeavour of scrutinizing and policing behind-the-border political issues. Therefore, a call for raising the legitimacy of trade policy formulation and implementation rises. Hence, parliamentarisation of trade policy is ever more necessary. The EU's constitutional development and its practice in trade policy is a good example for more parliamentary involvement, which strengthens trade policy's legi-timacy, transparency, and public awareness. Thus, the EU indeed is, despite all weaknesses,
a pacemaker and hence good global actor to the benefit of democratisation of global trade governance, being an essential factor of good governance.
Wolfgang Weiss’ contribution on “Constitutional Challenges to EU Administrative Soft Law During the Covid-19 Pandemic and Some Proposed Remedies” Studies how during the Covid-19 pandemic, as EU member states struggled to deal with the pandemic, EU officials increasingly resorted to so-called “soft law” to provide guidance to member states. He concludes that, while there are benefits to using EU soft law for crisis management and domestic implementation of EU, he raises concerns regarding their challenges for democratic legitimacy and the rule of law. He contends that these challenges should be addressed by a legislative enactment that sets forth a general framework for the adoption of EU soft law, core elements of which should be stipulations of subsidiarity vis-a-vis executive rulemaking and minimum procedural, transparency and justification requirements for the adoption of Commission soft law. Their domestic effects and reviewability should be clarified as well.