Lehrstuhl für Politikwissenschaft (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Stephan Grohs)
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- Lehrstuhl für Politikwissenschaft (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Stephan Grohs) (188) (remove)
Stephan Grohs, Professor für Politikwissenschaften an der Deutschen Universität für Ver-waltungswissenschaften Speyer, klärt zunächst den Begriff „Eigenständige Jugendpolitik“
und die Rolle der kommunalen Ebene für deren Umsetzung. Auf dem Hintergrund der in zwei Projekten gesammelten Erfahrungen, sieht er eine deutliche Diskrepanz zwischen „wohlmeinenden“ Programmen auf Bundes- und Landesebene und den Realisierungs-möglichkeiten der dort formulierten Ziele im Gestrüpp der „rechtlichen, finanziellen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen“ auf der örtlichen Ebene. Er verweist aber auch auf An-satzpunkte dafür, wie es gelingen könnte, die Interessen von Jugendlichen in der Kommu-nalpolitik stärker zur Geltung zu bringen. Dazu müssten sich allerdings sowohl die Akteu-rinnen und Akteure in den Kommunalverwaltungen bzw. der politischen Gremien bewegen, als auch die Vertreterinnen und Vertreter der Kinder- und Jugendhilfe.
Academia and practitioners agree that the local level is crucial for EU cohesion. However, further conceptual and empirical development is needed. The paper introduces an under-standing of European cohesion consisting of a horizontal and a vertical dimension, covering individuals' relationships with each other and the polity. We review the predominantly nation-state-focused, interdisciplinary literature on support for the European Union (vertical dimension) and societal Europeanization (horizontal dimension) through a 'local lens', arguing in favour of combining the two dimensions in one framework of cohesion. We derive empirical expectations about the role of local agency for European cohesion and operationa-lise European cohesion, thus designing a coherent framework for analysing the local foundations of European cohesion.
Public officials have been shown to discriminate against citizens based on race and gender. We suggest that bureaucrats also discriminate based on political beliefs that citizens reveal to them. We support this argument with evidence from the application of freedom of assembly rights in the context of gay marriage. We confront German city administrations with requests about the organization of a political rally and randomize the underlying political belief and cause: the promotion of or opposition to same-sex marriage. We find that none of these causes receives discriminatory treatment per se. Instead, further explorative, yet theory-guided, analysis indicates that the cultural and political environment within which bureaucracies are embedded determines which of the two requests receives worse and less helpful answers. I.e. the treatment effect seems to be moderated by the local prevalence of Catholicism and the strength of sexually conservative political parties that oppose same-sex marriage.