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Institute
- Lehrstuhl für Öffentliches Recht, insbesondere Europarecht und Völkerrecht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Weiß) (242)
- Lehrstuhl für Verwaltungswissenschaft, Staatsrecht, Verwaltungsrecht und Europarecht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Mario Martini) (2)
- Lehrstuhl für Öffentliches Recht, insbesondere deutsches und europäisches Verwaltungsrecht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Ulrich Stelkens) (2)
- Lehrstuhl für öffentliches Recht, insbesondere allgemeines und besonderes Verwaltungsrecht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Jan Ziekow) (2)
- Lehrstuhl für Verwaltungswissenschaft und öffentliches Recht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Hermann Hill) (1)
- Lehrstuhl für Öffentliches Recht, Finanz- und Steuerrecht (Univ.-Prof. Dr. Joachim Wieland) (1)
Mixed agreements have been a preferred form of entering into international treaties chosen by the EU and its Member States, despite the complexities their usage implies. Recent attempts of the EU institutions to prefer the conclusion of EU only agreements to mixed agreements, as a consequence of the broad interpretation of EU exclusive trade competences by the CJEU in Opinion 2/15 are motivated by the hope for increased efficiency in EU treaty making. They, however, provoke criticism with regard to democratic legitimacy and the EU principle of conferral, which constrain the EU to adopt only those legal acts for which it is competent. As this criticism is particularly strong in Germany and led to constitutional challenges of EU only acts, the present contribution will explain the treatment of mixed agreements in the constitutional order of Germany and explore the constitutional challenges that EU only agreements pose to the German constitutional order. This discussion will thus show the German legal order’s continued preference for mixed agreements, in view of the jurisprudence of the German Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). Those constitutional challenges are particularly topical in view of the most recent case law of the CJEU that stressed the political leeway of the EU Council to choose, when it comes to the negotiation and conclusion of EU agreements based on shard competences, between either an EU only agreement or a mixed agreement. This political leeway turns mixity into a facultative endeavour in the hands of the Council. Under the constitutional perceptions of the FCC, such type of facultative mixity meets with considerable constitutional concerns because it replaces what was formerly held obligatory mixity.
Außenwirtschaftsbeziehungen
(2020)
Vorliegender Beitrag analysiert das CETA-Gutachten des EuGH 1/17, das in erstaunlich un-kritischer Betrachtung denkbarer Konflikte zwischen den Zuständigkeiten des CETA-Tribunals einerseits und denen des EuGH andererseits keine Einwände erkennen wollte. In ersten Reaktionen ist dieses Gutachten als Ausweitung des Bewegungsspielraums der EU im Bereich Investitionsschutz begrüßt worden. Jedenfalls das Investitionsgerichtssystem nach CETA ist indes nur mit gewissen Maßgaben unionskonform, die im Text des Gutachtens deutlich werden und geeignet sind, den Spielraum für die vertraglichen EU-Außen-beziehungen nicht unerheblich einzuengen. Diese vom EuGH an der Autonomie der Unionsrechtsordnung festgemachten Einschränkungen bilden wegen ihrer grundsätzlichen Bedeutung den zentralen Gegenstand vorliegender Betrachtung. Zunächst wird die Neu-akzentuierung der externen Autonomie des Unionsrechts im CETA Gutachten analysiert (II). Anschließend werden die Überlegungen des EuGH zur Abgrenzung seiner Zuständigkeiten von denen des CETA Tribunals kritisch beleuchtet. Die dabei zu beobachtende recht oberflächliche Analyse des EuGH steht im Gegensatz zum Herangehen des EuGH in früheren Entscheidungen, verkennt Problemstellungen und führt daher nur scheinbar zu einer sauberen Abgrenzbarkeit der Zuständigkeiten (III.). Dem folgt eine Betrachtung des letzten Teiles der Autonomieanalyse des EuGH, in der er sich der Kritik des regulatory chill zuwendet (IV). Hier formuliert der EuGH mit dem Abstellen auf die ungehinderte Funktion der EU-Organe gemäß ihrem verfassungsrechtlichen Rahmen die eben angesprochene neue Schranke für Investitionsschutzmechanismen, die die zuvor umfassend bejahte Zuständigkeit des CETA-Tribunals in einem Punkt zurücknimmt und die darüber hinaus viele Fragen nach ihrer konkreten Bedeutung und Konsequenz, aber auch nach ihrem Anwendungsbereich aufwirft. Abschließend wird angesichts der Dürftigkeit der Begründung des EuGH eine Rekonstruktion dieser Schranke unternommen, die die für eine Begründung maßgeblichen Ansätze aus dem Schutz der demokratischen Entscheidungsfreiheit in der EU entfaltet (V.).
This chapter identifies the most pressing challenges for the EU multilaterally oriented trade policy due to the changing global context for international trade and investment, caused by the shift of the US towards unilateralism and protectionism and by the re-orientation of China´s exceptionalism towards becoming a more influential actor. It explores and assesses how EU trade policy copes with the new polarities and finally formulates proposals for the way forward for the EU multilateral trade policy. It will be shown that the current challenges are more fundamental in character and may last longer than currently anticipated. It will also highlight that maintaining unity in the EU determination of trade policy is of pivotal importance for addressing the challenges, which however might become more difficult.
After the invocation of security exceptions became more common, the first panel report ever on how to apply them has recently been issued in the Russia – Measures Concerning Traffic in Transit case. While this panel addressed the application of the security exception in a situation of threat to international peace and security, the question must be raised whether its approach also applies to the invocation of security exceptions for economic reasons. In this context, the present chapter focuses on the methodical preliminaries to applying security exceptions: Its application in WTO dispute settlement does not only prompt the question of the jurisdiction of WTO panels and the Appellate Body, but also pertains to the issues of standard of proof and standard of review. A related methodical issue concerns the feasibility of the expansive interpretive approach applied to the general exceptions to the security exception. Reading it in the same tune runs the risk of nullifying the concept of multilateral trade regulation altogether, even more so as the security exceptions miss the usual safeguard against abuse, i.e. the requirements of the general exceptions´ chapeau. The lack of such safety valve confirms that security exceptions are of a different character compared to other exceptions. This difference, however, may be difficult to maintain if security exceptions are also used to defend economic security interests. Finally, the application of security exceptions may - as debated with regard to other WTO exceptions - be subject to an inherent limitation against exterritorial application, which would restrain its scope of application in cases in which security measures against a third country intend to affect also the trade of WTO members, and could become relevant in assessing US sanctions against Iran.
Umsetzung und Durchsetzung der EU-Handelspolitik: Neue Entwicklungen der „Open Strategic Autonomy“
(2020)
Die Europäische Kommission legt seit einiger Zeit eine stärkere Betonung auf die Verbesserung der Um- und Durchsetzung der Handelsregeln. Aktuell zeichnet sich dies in einer Fülle von Vorhaben und Initiativen ab, die sich auch in die projektierte Erneuerung der Handelspolitik unter dem Leitbild der „offenen strategischen Autonomie“ einfügen. Der Beitrag untersucht die neuen Entwicklungen auf institutioneller, prätorischer und legislativer Ebene.
This article takes the proliferation of EU soft law instruments in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic as an opportunity to analyse their effects and challenges to democracy and rule of law in the EU posed by the use of EU soft law in the implementation of EU law. A proposal will be made for a general legal framework on the adoption of administrative EU soft law in order to address them. Enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance requires a general legal framework that introduces minimum procedural, transparency and participa-tory safeguards and foresees looser rules for urgent soft measures. The article thus makes an original contribution by reconsidering the debate about EU soft law in the context of COVID-19 soft law with a view to its salience for domestic implementation of EU law and by developing core elements of a general legal framework.
Der Kommentar von Brocker/Droege/Jutzi ist die hochgelobt erste Adresse bei allen Fragen zur Landesverfassung. Die Kommentierungen verdeutlichen insbesondere dort, wo das Landesverfassungsrecht Besonderheiten gegenüber dem Grundgesetz aufweist, die Eigen-ständigkeit der Verfassungsrechtsräume.
Die Neuauflage greift alle Neuerungen der Verfassungsreform, insbesondere im Wahlrechts-schutz (Nichtanerkennungsbeschwerde politischer Parteien und Wählervereinigungen) auf.
Ex Officio Third Country Subsidies' Review: Similarities with and Differences to State Aid Procedure
(2022)
In May 2021 the European Commission tabled a draft Third Country Subsidies Regulation which stands between trade and competition policy. This new instrument establishes a review of third country subsidies with a view to addressing the competition distortion resulting from foreign subsidies granted to undertakings economically active in the EU internal market. As the new tool complements EU State aid scrutiny with a view to foreign subsidies, the present contribution compares the general procedures and provisions of the new regulation with EU State aid law. It will be shown that despite many similarities with State aid law, considerable differences remain which can be explained by looking at the different procedural and substantive context.
Durch die Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas hat die Debatte um eine Reform des EU-Primär-rechts neue Fahrt aufgenommen. Eine Vertragsreform tut not, im Interesse effektiverer, aber auch demokratischerer Beschlussfassung, erweiterter Kompetenzen und konsentierter Ver-bundgrundlagen zur Bewältigung der zahlreichen äußeren und inneren Herausforderungen.
Außenwirtschaftsbeziehungen
(2022)
Democratization of good global governance: The EU's role in the Parliamentarization of trade policy
(2022)
The quest for good governance in trade relations occurs against the backdrop of an increa-sing politicization of trade policy. In the new reality of global value chains and servitisation, regulating trade goes far beyond technical issues of reducing entrance barriers, border measures and tariffs, but becomes a comprehensive endeavour of scrutinizing and policing behind-the-border political issues. Therefore, a call for raising the legitimacy of trade policy formulation and implementation rises. Hence, parliamentarisation of trade policy is ever more necessary. The EU's constitutional development and its practice in trade policy is a good example for more parliamentary involvement, which strengthens trade policy's legi-timacy, transparency, and public awareness. Thus, the EU indeed is, despite all weaknesses,
a pacemaker and hence good global actor to the benefit of democratisation of global trade governance, being an essential factor of good governance.
Wolfgang Weiss’ contribution on “Constitutional Challenges to EU Administrative Soft Law During the Covid-19 Pandemic and Some Proposed Remedies” Studies how during the Covid-19 pandemic, as EU member states struggled to deal with the pandemic, EU officials increasingly resorted to so-called “soft law” to provide guidance to member states. He concludes that, while there are benefits to using EU soft law for crisis management and domestic implementation of EU, he raises concerns regarding their challenges for democratic legitimacy and the rule of law. He contends that these challenges should be addressed by a legislative enactment that sets forth a general framework for the adoption of EU soft law, core elements of which should be stipulations of subsidiarity vis-a-vis executive rulemaking and minimum procedural, transparency and justification requirements for the adoption of Commission soft law. Their domestic effects and reviewability should be clarified as well.
The TCA (EU-UK Trade and Copperation Agreement) establishes a very comprehensive institutional framework with Partnership Council and diverse Committees having partly substantial decision-making powers for the development of the TCA. These considerable public functions prompt legitimacy concerns as to their democratic control, which this article explores in detail. It will be shown that the exercise of public powers by TCA treaty bodies meets with a sobering legal situation regarding democratic control mechanisms over treaty body decision-making at different levels. Thus, from a constitutional perspective, the legal and legitimate transfer of powers requires additional safeguards as to their democratic legitimacy. Solutions for better control of treaty body decisions by parliaments must be developed at several levels simultaneously.
Der neue Verordnungsvorschlag der Kommission zu Drittlandssubventionen sieht eine Aufsicht durch die Europäische Kommission vor, die vergleichbar ist mit ihrer Aufsicht über staatliche Beihilfen. Dennoch bestehen erhebliche Unterschiede. Vorliegender Beitrag unternimmt einen Vergleich der Instrumente im Hinblick auf von Amts wegen eingeleitete Verfahren und analysiert Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in den Verfahren und den Untersuchungsbefugnissen.
Trade relations face unprecedented challenges, which has led to an increased politicisation and contestation of trade rules. In response, the EU has changed its trade policy under the motto ‘Open Strategic Autonomy’ towards a more as-sertive policy. The EU seeks to signifi-cantly expand its room of manoeuvre and to gain more autonomy by strengthening the en-forcement of its trade rights and by ensuring more effectively, including unilaterally, a level playing field. This re-orientation engenders several new or amended trade policy instru-ments, but meets with reservations as the renewed politicisation of EU trade policy will have internal consequences and raise demands for more democratic accountability of the Euro-pean Commission. The new policy instruments will enlarge its leeway in trade policy. The future of the EU's multilateral, rule- instead of power-oriented political stance becomes unclear, which might undermine its negotiation posi-tion in WTO reform and collide with the EU's respect for international law. The tensions of the EU's new hybrid approach with its international commitments even more fuel demands for increased accountability of the Commission as a safeguard against employing the new powers for protectionism and disrespect to international law. The contribution analyses the need for increased Commis-sion accountability in the redirected trade policy.
Considering the new focus of the European Union (EU) trade policy on strengthening the enforcement of trade rules, the article presents the proposed amendments to the EU Trade Enforcement Regulation 654/2014. It analyzes the EU Commission proposal and the amendments suggested by the European Parliament Committee on International Trade (INTA), in particular with regard to uncooperative third parties and the provision of immediate countermeasures. The amendments will be assessed in view of their legality under World Trade Organization (WTO), Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and general international law and in view of their political implications for the EU’s multilateralist stance. Finally, the opportunity to amend Regulation 654/2014 to use it for the enforcement of FTA trade and sustainable development chapters will be explored. The analysis shows that the shift towards more effective enforcement should be pursued with due care for respecting existing international legal commitments and with more caution to multilateralism.
The introduction will describe the constant evolving global political context correlated to the events occurring, specifically, in the trade environment and the unprecedented challenges they pose for the EU Trade Policy. These identified and introduced challenges will be addressed in detail in the following book chapters. It will also introduce the reader to the individual contributions of the book and briefly present and anticipate the results attained.
Welthandelsrecht
(2007)
Welthandelsrecht
(2003)
Welthandelsrecht
(2022)
Seit ihrer Gründung steht die Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) samt den von ihr verwalteten Übereinkommen über den Handel mit Waren (GATT), Dienstleistungen (GATS) sowie dem Schutz geistigen Eigentums (TRIPS) im Mittelpunkt der Diskussionen über Globalisierung, global governance, Umweltschutz und internationale Verteilungsgerechtigkeit.
Aus dem Inhalt: WTO in schwierigen Zeiten; Grundprinzipien des Multilateralismus; Streitbeilegungsverfahren; Regelungen über den Warenhandel und technische Handels-hemmnisse; Regionale Integration; Handelspolitische Schutzinstrumente; Internationales Währungssystem; Investitionen und Investitionsschutz; Handel mit Dienstleistungen und Schutz geistigen Eigentums; Entwicklungsländer; E-Commerce und Digital Trade; Menschen-rechte, Umwelt- und Sozialstandards; Zukunft der WTO.
Zur Neuauflage: Für die Neuauflage wurde das Werk grundlegend aktualisiert und im Hin-blick auf die krisenhaften neuen Herausforderungen für die WTO und den Multilateralismus (Anstieg des Unilateralismus, Handelskriege, Aufstieg Chinas, zunehmend geostrategische Ausrichtung der Handelspolitik, Lähmung des Appellate Body), die neuen Themen im Welt-handel (Digital Trade, E-Commerce, Gesundheitsschutz) und die einschlägige Recht-sprechungsentwicklung überarbeitet.
This introductory article makes the case for studying joint institutional frameworks (JIFs) in EU bilateral agreements and provides an overview of the remaining contributions to the sympo-sium. In doing so, it addresses contemporary policy developments and theoretical debates in political science and international institutional law. It considers the rationale, design, perfor-mance as well as legitimacy of JIFs both in general and, in particular, in the EU's contractual bilateral relations. By mapping out the variety of JIFs in distinct geographical and regulatory contexts, the article develops an overarching argument about the ‘transversal’ nature of such structural frameworks, focusing on the most prevalent structural principles and rules, joint bodies and special procedures, including those not covered in detail in the other contribu-tions to this symposium.
The Union legislator has recently amended the Aarhus Regulation with the aim of bringing it more in line with the requirements the Aarhus Convention lays down. EU State aid decisions, however, remain excluded from its scope. This exclusion raises questions that form the object of this contribution. The article argues that the arguments presented to justify the continued exclusion of State aid review are not convincing. By not complying with the re-commendations of the ACCC, the EU is in clear violation of international law. Therefore, the article deliberates over the necessary changes and possible exemptions for a sound im-plementation of the Aarhus Convention against the procedural specificities of State aid review, considering also the Commission´s recently presented options, which contain a number of problematic aspects.